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Close Menu. Email Address Subscribe. What do you think? Bird S The audience in everyday life: living in a media world. Routledge, New York Google Scholar. Browne D Ethnic minorities, electronic media and the public sphere: a comparative approach. Hampton Press, Cresskill Google Scholar. Media Psychol 14 3 — Cottle S ed Ethnic minorities and the media: changing cultural boundaries. Cover R Digital difference: theorizing frameworks of bodies, representation and stereotypes in digital games.
Asia Pac Media Educ 26 1 :4— Journalism 7 3 — CrossRef Google Scholar. Accessed 24 June Dukes K, Gaither S Black racial stereotypes and victim blaming: implications for media coverage and criminal proceedings in cases of police violence against racial and ethnic minorities. Ewart J, Beard J Poor relations: Australian news media representations of ethnic minorities, implications and responses.
Palgrave Macmillan, London Google Scholar. Sociol Compass 9 1 — Media Cult Soc 33 4 — Harvester, Brighton Google Scholar. Available via Poynter. Commun Rev 7 2 — Hutchinson, London, pp — Google Scholar. Hall S , c. Routledge, London, pp — Google Scholar. J Afr Cult Stud 29 1 — Hooks B Reel to real: race, sex, and class at the movies. Hajnal, currently under review by co-authors John Griffin, Brian Newman, and David Searle, examines the effects of class, race and gender on representation. Their findings are stunning: For white people, class works as expected, with richer whites getting better representation than poorer whites.
But, for black people, there is no class effect and high-income black households receive slightly less political representation than low-income black families. For years, studies on representation focused primarily on class, education and political knowledge. More recently, legal scholar Nicholas Stephanopoulos analyzed data from state exit polls and legislative outcomes over three decades and found that women, poor people and minorities had very little representation.
Hajnal and his co-authors use more than 40 years of data on preferences of individual voters for spending in 11 key federal policies, including foreign aid, crime and healthcare, to measure government responsiveness.
The authors then examine government spending on those issues to see whether the government enacted the policy preferences of minorities and low-income individuals or not. The authors treated those whose government spending preferences were enacted as winners and those whose preferences were ignored as policy losers. But the authors found a significant gap in representation across racial groups: Black people were policy winners Asians enjoyed more representation than blacks and whites, Hispanics slightly less so.
The General Social Survey on Hispanics and Asian Americans is limited to a period of 10 years and thus not entirely comparable. The researchers also found a modest gap in representation based on class. The chart below shows the percentage point differences in being a policy winner based on racial differences and levels of income.
The authors attribute the disparity in political representation and influence partly to the fact that white people and the wealthy favor the Republican Party, while black people and low-income voters prefer Democrats. All other things equal, Hajnal and his co-authors argue that Republicans are 6.
Yet none of this can explain the lack of their representation in U. This suggests that African-Americans have stronger though not equal rates of representation in areas most important to them. On many key policy issues there are deep divides between whites and people of color in some cases even larger than the gaps between high and low-income people.
For instance, while 53 percent of whites say the government should pursue policies to reduce the wealth gap, 67 percent of people of color agree. Similarly, when asked whether the government should spend money to create jobs or reduce the deficit, 50 percent of whites say reduce the deficit compared with 42 percent for job creation ; while 65 percent of people of color say spend money to create jobs with 29 percent favoring deficit reduction.
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